Rest in Peace, IGP Jobe!

It is not every day that an Inspector General of Police (IGP) dies in office. When the death of Alagie Mamour Jobe, the IGP for three years (2018-2021) was announced, the shock and grief could make the president’s public relations team be forgiven for the yet another blunder in the State House media alerts that the ‘president was shockingly informed’ about it.

On a more serious issue though, the sudden death of Mr Jobe is a great loss for the country, especially the Gambia Police Force (GPF). But it is not without controversy, putting the ancient taboo of not speaking ill of the dead under serious scrutiny. The first point to address in discussing the legacy of the former police chief is exactly that: ‘don’t badmouth a dead man.’

To many, the ancient custom is uniquely African. Some others with religious orientation would cite instances in religious texts to give it relevance in religion. However, the taboo is found in many traditions other than African or Senegambian or Gambian. In the West for instance, it is generally traced to Chilion of Sparta, one of the Seven Sages of Greece. Or, take a recent example of when US Senator John McCain died.

Enough of the historical nonsense, perhaps!

Here is Malagen’s view: In these modern times, the issue of not speaking ill of the dead needs a re-think, if not a radical philosophical review. The custom could benefit from similar principles as the right to privacy. That is, the bigger one grows as a public figure, the lesser the protections offered by the custom.

That is just one point. This is another: the custom has certainly not lost its usefulness, but it is overstretched at the expense of truth and accountability. Don’t badmouth the dead, to a large extent, should be limited to the privacy of rituals at homes and cemeteries.

Every person, more so a public figure, lives a life that affects the lives of many others. How one live one’s life; how one performs his or her functions in office as is the case for public servants; and how one should be remembered are issues of legitimate public concern and should be subject of legitimate public debate.

Granted, the dead may not be able to physically harm anyone, hence the need to bury the hatchet on the person. However, the actions of public servants and public figures often continue to impact society in profound ways. And lest we forget, journalists in particular have a duty to record history as it happens for the public to draw vital lessons for the betterment of society. It serves no good to whitewash history in favour of letting the dead rest in peace.

Now, on to IGP Jobe!

“There is no greater challenge and there is no greater honour than to be in public service.” These were the words of a former US Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, who knows better than most about the challenges of being in public service. With over 40 years in the police, Mr Jobe has spent a life’s time in public service. While it is difficult to credit him with any specific major transformations in the Force or policing, the crux of today’s Gambian police, by all accounts a great improvement on what used to exist, is made in the image of Mr Jobe, who spent years working at the police training unit where he mentored and molded generations police personnel.

IGP Jobe came into office in 2018. He succeeded IGP Landing Kinteh, who resigned following public outcry over the killing of two protesters by police in Faraba Village. From the start, it was clear that his would be an uphill climb. On one hand, there is a passionate public, emerging from dictatorship and being (re)introduced to the power of one’s voice. Haunted by the experiences of the immediate past, they are not keen on ceding any mile on their democratic rights. On the other hand, there is a fragile security situation as it is being regarded in official circles and the national security institutions are undergoing an agonizingly slow pace of reforms. This is besides a legacy, if not an entrenched culture, of human rights abuses.

How an IGP would perform his functions under those circumstances invites delicate balancing. How did IGP Jobe balance it?

Well, he is widely praised for embracing an open-door policy, and engaging especially with the civil society and other institutions, such as the Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission (TRRC) and the National Human Right Commission (NHRC). A former senior official at the TRRC singled him out among security chiefs for his cooperation with the inquiry. In paying tribute to him, the president of the Bar Association, Salieu Taal, said: “We’ve worked together and resolved many difficult situations behind the scenes…Despite his long service in the police during the Jammeh era, he was not adversely mentioned in the TRRC. This speaks to his integrity and professionalism.”

But not everyone, not even history, would remember IGP Jobe in that light alone. In many instances, when faced with making critical decisions that have significant impact on the building of our nascent democracy, he consistently chose to err on the side of repression by visibly capitulating to the whims of politicians. A progressive-thinking police chief would rather choose to err on the side of democracy and entrench a democratic police behavior.

Her are few examples!

Under IGP Jobe’s watch, more than two dozen journalists were assaulted by his men and others. He is on record as promising to investigate the crimes and to take appropriate measures. Nothing ever happened. More crimes were committed against journalists with impunity.

Under IGP Jobe’s watch and on his orders, two privately owned radio stations were arbitrarily shut down and in the process four media practitioners were unlawfully arrested and detained in police cells. That act was not only inconceivable, but the nature of it sent shivers down the spines of an industry – and a public – that is struggling to recover from the psychological effects of the repressions of the previous regime and how police was used as an instrument of human rights abuse.

Under IGP Jobe’s watch and on his orders, a decent looking police officer, Chief Superintendent Muhammed Kanteh, who refused to obey the unlawful orders, was persecuted by the police high command. Even after winning the case against the police, he has not still been reinstated in the police.

Under IGP Jobe’s watch and on his orders, Madi Jobarteh, a human rights activist was ridiculously arrested and detained by the police. The saga came in the wake of his TV comments during a George Floyd inspired Black Lives Matter protest. He criticised the government’s inaction in investigating the deaths of Haruna Jatta, Ousman Darboe and Kebba Secka, three citizens reportedly killed by Gambian police officers between June 2017 and July 2019.

Under IGP Jobe’s watch and on his orders, permit for exercise of democratic right to protest had been politicised. And IGP Jobe defends by his actions, at least not by his speeches, the undemocratic practice of requiring permit for protests. He would also be remembered not so favourably for his heavy-handed crackdown on protests, from the Brikama one to of course, the 3-years Jotna.

In spite of his shortcomings, IGP Jobe could pass as a decent man and a patriot who served the country incredibly well.

May his soul rest in peace!